28 MOODY v. NETCHOICE, LLC Opinion of the Court dangers to free expression, there are few greater than allowing the government to change the speech of private actors in order to achieve its own conception of speech nirvana. That is why we have said in so many contexts that the government may not “restrict the speech of some elements of our society in order to enhance the relative voice of others.” Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1, 48–49 (1976) (per curiam). That unadorned interest is not “unrelated to the suppression of free expression,” and the government may not pursue it consistent with the First Amendment. The Court’s decisions about editorial control, as discussed earlier, make that point repeatedly. See supra, at 18–19. Again, the question those cases had in common was whether the government could force a private speaker, including a compiler and curator of third-party speech, to convey views it disapproved. And in most of those cases, the government defended its regulation as yielding greater balance in the marketplace of ideas. But the Court—in Tornillo, in PG&E, and again in Hurley—held that such an interest could not support the government’s effort to alter the speaker’s own expression. “Our cases establish,” the PG&E Court wrote, “that the State cannot advance some points of view by burdening the expression of others.” 475 U. S., at 20. So the newspaper, the public utility, the parade organizer—whether acting “fair[ly] or unfair[ly]”— could exclude the unwanted message, free from government interference. Tornillo, 418 U. S., at 258; see United States Telecom Assn. v. FCC, 855 F. 3d 381, 432 (CADC 2017) (Kavanaugh, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc) (“[E]xcept in rare circumstances, the First Amendment does not allow the Government to regulate the content choices of private editors just so that the Government may enhance certain voices and alter the content available to the citizenry”).10 —————— 10 Texas claims Turner as a counter-example, but that decision offers