original) (quoting Riley v. Nat'l Fed'n of Blind of N.C., Inc., 487 U.S. 781, 795 (1988)).7 New Hampshire has "too readily forgone options that could serve its interests just as well, without substantially burdening" legitimate political speech. Id. at 2537. At least two different reasons show that New Hampshire has not attempted to tailor its solution to the potential problem it perceives. First, the prohibition on ballot selfies reaches and curtails the speech rights of all voters, not just those motivated to cast a particular vote for illegal reasons. New Hampshire does so in the name of trying to prevent a much smaller hypothetical pool of voters who, New Hampshire fears, may try to sell their votes. New Hampshire admits that no such vote-selling market has in fact emerged. to the extent that the State hypothesizes this will And make intimidation of some voters more likely, that is no reason to infringe on the rights of all voters. Second, the State has not demonstrated that other state and federal laws prohibiting vote corruption are not already adequate to the justifications it has identified. See 18 U.S.C. § 597 (prohibiting buying or selling votes); 52 U.S.C. § 10307(b) 7 Amicus curiae Snapchat notes, by analogy, that other circuits have similarly held bans on petit juror interviews to fail at narrow tailoring. See In re Express-News Corp., 695 F.2d 807, 808 (5th Cir. 1982); United States v. Sherman, 581 F.2d 1358, 1360–61 (9th Cir. 1978). We need not examine the analogy. - 18 -